I often wake up these days feeling like Iām living in an alternate universe. Thursday was one such morningā: At the same moment Donald Trump walked into a Manhattan criminal courtroom to face charges related to hush money payments made to a porn star he allegedly had sex with, in the same spot where āHarvey Weinstein was convicted of rape four years ago, Weinsteinās New York conviction was overturned.
āThese men representedā the polarities of the #MeToo movement ā one, a watershed victory, the seeming rightful conviction of a man who had skirted rumors for decades, finally exposed by the bravery of his victims coming forward, the journalists who reported it, and the social movement it ignited. The other elevated to the highest office in the land despite more than a dozenā women speaking out against him, and the video evidence of his bragging about the very thing of which he was accused.
But now, the Trump and Weinstein story lines have seemingly reversed, or at least spectacularly collided: Trump is being hamstrung by legal claims, including a $83.3 million judgment on behalf of the writer E. Jean Carroll, whom he was found liable of sexually assaulting and defaming. On Thursday, he huffed and puffed in court, crossing his arms and scowling, as that infamous āAccess Hollywoodā tape again came back to haunt him in his criminal trial. Moments later, in a different courtroom, a federal judge rejected his bid for a new trial in the Carroll case.
On this upside down day, Weinstein, who has been locked up in the Mohawk Correctional Facility some 250 miles from New York Cityā, serving 23 years while eating bologna sandwiches like the other inmates, had his āconviction thrown out on appeal. The decision was determined by a single vote, by a majority female panel of judges, who ruled that the trial ājudge improperly allowed testimony from accusers who werenāt part of the charges against him ā and āegregiouslyā erred in the process. ā
All of this, I will admit, caught me off guard.
Those following Weinsteinās legal battles always knew there was a possibility for his conviction to be overturned on appeal, but many ā including some of Weinsteinās own accusers ā had happily stopped holding their breath.
It also seemed, in the four years since his conviction, and the seven since the #MeToo movement began, that we had entered a new age of legal accountability, not just for Mr. Weinstein, but for the abusers whoād come after him: Bill Cosby, R. Kelly, even Trump. Even as the #MeToo movement fell short in some ways, the Weinstein case felt like a clear cultural marker in which something irreversible had happened: The monster of #MeToo had been vanquished, and it changed something about the way we understood vulnerability and power.
And then, suddenly, it didnāt.
To be clear, Thursdayās ruling will not spring Weinstein from jail. He already faces an additional 16 years from a separate conviction in California, and will likely be sent there to continue his sentence.
But what the new ruling made clear was that, in allowing women not part of the case to testify, in what may have seemed from the outside like an obvious attempt to establish a pattern of coercion, actually violated a common legal precedent. In the process, it also established ā perhaps somewhat glaringly, and grimly ā the cavernous gap in what it takes to ābelieve womenā in and out of the courtroom, even when it comes to the same man.
The collective nature of the Weinstein case, and those that followed, seemed to solve a problem that activists had labored over for decades: How do you combat the āhe said, she saidā nature of these cases? How do you get people to believe that, with very slim exception, most women who speak up are telling the truth?
As it turned out, persuasion came in the form of numbers ā both in establishing a pattern and in helping women feel safe to come forward. Journalists helped bolster that framework, too ā detailing patterns, repetitions, and often decades worth of paper trails. The women of the Weinstein story became ābelievableā to the public because there were simply too many of them, with too many similar details, over too many years, not to believe.
All of this helped usher in a new era of ābelievability,ā one that has become almost synonymous with a preponderance of voices, joining together to corroborate an accusation. And yet, as we learned this week, inside the courtroom sometimes the opposite can be true: She said, she said, she said, she said can in fact unravel a prosecution.
Itās a bit of a mind-fuck, in that the very thing that brought Weinstein to account in the first place ā that chorus of womenās voices, which together made the accusations against him utterly unimpeachable ā seems to have suddenly worked in his favorā.
Which raises the question: If #MeToo could move the cultural conversation beyond a single case of āhe said, she said,ā isnāt it time the legal system allowed the same?
For more on this subject you can read my column about the strange gap between ābelievabilityā in and out of the courtroom in todayās Times.
My colleague Jodi Kantor, who with Megan Twohey broke the original Weinstein story, also has a great analysis on why the case was risky from the start.
And Ronan Farrow has a piece in The New Yorker about what Weinsteinās overturned case means for Donald Trump.
Thanks for reading!
This is a great analysis of why that testimony mattered and the consequences of this appeal.
I personally suffered a me too minute, so what I write comes from someone who knows the problem too well and also knows law. I did wonder how women not related to the case were permitted to testify, but having little time to research that area of law, I didnāt find the legal answer. I did remember the horror a friend in college felt when she testified about being raped by 10 young men in a New York subway. All who had raped her testified she wanted sex when riding in the subway. Their lawyers brought in evidence that she had had sex with other men to try to get the jury to believe it likely she would have had sex willingly with ten guys as she traveled from work to home on the subway. I believe she said eventually these men were convicted but being the victim in that trial made her feel that she had been raped again. At some point, the law changed to not allow unrelated to the case testimony about a womanās past sexual history. This was a NY case and I practice civil law in another state. For that reason, I cannot verify the law and interpretations of it by these appellate judges. In addition, so many supporters of āme tooā have been absolutely silent about what Hamas did to many women on October 7th in Israel. I expected to hear from my feminist non jewish friends, and those with whom I worked as a staff person and a volunteer in the womenās movement loud condemnation of the gang rapes and the splitting pregnant womenās belies so these operatives of Hamas could behead the fetus before the woman died. Instead, from them, almost no outrage. And there were some who hailed the āresistanceā- as if rapes, murders and taking hostages on what should have been a peaceful Saturday/Jewish holiday morning was a positive solution to a problem. These feminists saved their outrage for when israel tried to root out Hamas operatives, and save hostagesā lives while Hamas hid itself and hostages in deep tunnels connected to hospitals etc. Hamas made no provisions to protect anyone except their warriors and political operatives. So these folks praising the resistance believe the deaths of innocents in Gaza came not because Hamas failed to build bomb shelters or other protections for them, but because Israel attacked, killing civilian women and children as well as warriors and those wanting to be martyrs for the cause. How could Israel avoid killing them when Hamas deeply imbedded its warriors and used civilians as cannon fodder? Me Too feminists skipped talking about Hamasā horrid gang rapes in Israel, but Me Too supporters called Israelās actions genocide- I.e. murder to destroy a people rather than inevitable deaths of civilians deliberately used to protect Hamas operatives from being harmed after Gams broke a cease fire using horrific gang rapes and murders of innocents. FYI Hamasā charter calls for turning Israel into an Islamic stare and murdering Jews all over the workmanās. That is āintentā! How to support these Me Too people whose interest in justice for women is so shallow?